By Michael Vinay Bhatia, Mark Sedra

ISBN-10: 0203928431

ISBN-13: 9780203928431

ISBN-10: 0415453089

ISBN-13: 9780415453080

This is often the 1st e-book to supply a accomplished review of small hands and security-related matters in post-9/11 Afghanistan. It contains case stories which demonstrate the findings of in-depth box learn on hitherto ignored areas of the rustic, and gives a particular stability of thematic research, conceptual versions and empirical examine. Exploring quite a few elements of armed violence and measures to take on it, the quantity offers major perception into broader matters reminiscent of the efficacy of overseas information, the ‘shadow’ economic climate, warlordism, and the Taliban-led insurgency. in order to deconstruct and demystify Afghanistan’s alleged ‘gun culture’, it additionally explores many of the triumphing stumbling blocks and possibilities dealing with the rustic in its transition interval. In so doing, the ebook bargains useful classes to the state-builders of Afghanistan in addition to these of different nations and areas suffering to emerge from classes of transition. This e-book can be of a lot curiosity to all scholars of Afghanistan, small palms, insurgency, Asian experiences, and clash reviews normally.  

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Extra info for Afghanistan, Arms and Conflict: Armed Groups, Disarmament and Security in a Post-war Society (Contemporary Security Studies)

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These different viewpoints partly explain why efforts by the government and the international donor community have failed to stem small arms and light weapons proliferation. A second explanation for the reluctance to tackle rigorously the small arms problem is the accommodationist stance taken by the Afghan authorities and external governments towards local commanders, not only in the post-conflict period, but during decades of war when weapons supplied by external governments were distributed directly or channelled through the Afghan government to local commanders.

By 1998, there were as many as 7,000 Darra-made AKs in Karachi (Sullivan, 1998). In summer 2001, Pakistan’s government was able to collect 86,757 weapons alone over a two week amnesty period, and 55,000 weapons at checkpoints, with 16 M. Bhatia weapons then redistributed to the police force (Terzieff, 2002). President Musharraf’s attempts to limit weapons proliferation in Pakistan included a ‘ban on the issuance of new gun permits and production licenses’ in March 2000. Until the escalated demand that followed American intervention in Afghanistan, this induced a substantial decline in weapons production in the border areas (Terzieff, 2002).

5 per cent; 85 per cent for women), high child mortality and a low lifespan. A total of 80 per cent of the country’s 6,870 schools were destroyed or damaged during the conflict (UNDP, 2004, p. 66). Another legacy of conflict is the presence of landmines, which are believed to number between 450,000 and seven million and which killed 132 and wounded 647 in the first 11 months of 2005 (USDOS, 2006b). In a survey conducted by the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), 69 per cent of those interviewed (of 4,151 respondents) indicated that they were the subject of serious human rights abuses over the course of the conflict.

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Afghanistan, Arms and Conflict: Armed Groups, Disarmament and Security in a Post-war Society (Contemporary Security Studies) by Michael Vinay Bhatia, Mark Sedra

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